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  • 1.
    Angerbrandt, Henrik
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit. Stockholm University.
    Deadly elections: post-election violence in Nigeria2018Inngår i: Journal of Modern African Studies, ISSN 0022-278X, E-ISSN 1469-7777, Vol. 56, nr 1, s. 143-167Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Two decades after the ‘third wave of democratization’, extensive violence continues to follow elections in sub-Saharan Africa. Whereas national processes connected to pre-election violence have received increased scholarly attention, little is known of local dynamics of violence after elections. This article examines the 2011 Nigerian post-election violence with regard to the ways in which national electoral processes interweave with local social and political disputes. The most affected state, Kaduna State, has a history of violent local relations connected to which group should control politics and the state. It is argued that electoral polarisation aggravated national ethno-religious divisions that corresponded to the dividing line of the conflict in Kaduna. A rapid escalation of violence was facilitated by local social networks nurtured by ethno-religious grievances.

  • 2.
    Udelsmann Rodrigues, Cristina
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Precarity in Angolan diamond mining towns, 1920–2014: tracing agency of the state, mining companies and urban households2018Inngår i: Journal of Modern African Studies, ISSN 0022-278X, E-ISSN 1469-7777, Vol. 56, nr 1, s. 113-141Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    After nearly 30 years of civil war, Angola gained peace in 2002. The country’s diamond and oil wealth affords the national government the means to pursue economic reconstruction and urban development. However, in the diamond-producing region of Lunda Sul, where intense fighting between MPLA and UNITA forces was waged, the legacy of war lingers on in the form of livelihood uncertainty and uneven access to the benefits of the state’s urban development programmes. There are three main interactive agents of urban change: the Angolan state, the mining corporations, and not least urban residents. The period has been one of shifting alignments of responsibility for urban housing, livelihoods and welfare provisioning. Beyond the pressures of post-war adjustment, the wider context of global capital investment and labour market restructuring has introduced a new surge of corporate mining investment and differentiated patterns of prosperity and precarity in Lunda Sul.

  • 3.
    Utas, Mats
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Book review of: Christine Ryan, Children of war: child soldiers as victims and participants in the Sudan civil war2013Inngår i: Journal of Modern African Studies, ISSN 0022-278X, E-ISSN 1469-7777, Vol. 51, nr 2, s. 367-369Artikkel, omtale (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 4.
    Utas, Mats
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation. Uppsala universitet, Kulturantropologiska avdelningen.
    Sharon Alane Abramowitz. Searching for the normal in the wake of the Liberian war2015Inngår i: Journal of Modern African Studies, ISSN 0022-278X, E-ISSN 1469-7777, Vol. 53, nr 3, s. 494-496Artikkel, omtale (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 5.
    Utas, Mats
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Urban Dynamics.
    Jörgel, Magnus
    The West Side Boys: military navigation in the Sierra Leone civil war2008Inngår i: Journal of Modern African Studies, ISSN 0022-278X, E-ISSN 1469-7777, Vol. 46, nr 3, s. 487-511Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The West Side Boys were one of several military actors in the Sierra Leonean civil War (1991-2002). A splinter group of the army, the WSB emerged as a key player In 1999-2000. In most Western media accounts, the WSB appeared as nothing more than renegade, anarchistic bandits, devoid of any trace of long-term goals. By contrast, this article aims to explain how the WSB used well-devised military techniques in the field; how their history and military training within the Sierra Leone army shaped their notion of themselves and their view of what they were trying to accomplish; and, finally, how military commanders and politicians employed the WSB as a tactical instrument in a larger map of military and political strategies. It is in the politics of a military economy that this article is grounded.

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