Pan-Africanism was a vital force in the decolonisation and liberation struggles of the African continent. Today, some regional integration initiatives are part of the legacy of Pan-Africanism. Nevertheless, a retreat in Pan-Africanist consciousness justifies the on-going reform of the African Union and other related platforms for African regional integration, peace and development.
According to the Academic Freedom Monitoring Project, the percentage of attacks on higher education is higher in Africa than in any other region. And with Covid lockdowns, the academic freedom at African universities has been challenged even further. Given the strong links between academic freedom and democracy, organisations working with democratic development in Africa should take action to support and protect scholars at risk.
By distinguishing academic activities for peace from research work only supporting peace, this chapter looks at how academic diplomacy enables conflicting parties to enter into peace work without political costs. For academics, participation in practical peace work can reveal dynamics that can help them formulate theorizing useful for conflicts in general. Much of the literature on academic diplomacy for peace concentrates on external scholars’ experiences, or presents guidelines for external practitioners. The role of local academia has received less attention. The literature, however, shows the importance of the connections between external experts and local academia, as well as the conditions supporting local knowledge production on peace and conflicts. What appears to be essential is the freedom of academia to play a role. The statistical correlation between peace and academic freedom suggests that the competence to prevent and resolve conflicts is critically dependent on accurate knowledge and legitimacy of that knowledge.
News about violations of academic freedom have increased with the erosion of civil liberties and the decline of democratization. However, there is little empirical research on the political effects of academic freedom. There is also no consensus on the exact definition of the term. In this article, the meanings of academic freedom are approached through literature and practical advocacy work, and by presenting the indicator published in 2020 by the Varieties of Democracy database. As an example, we examine research results on the link between academic freedom and democracy in Africa, where the university institution has developed in the midst of rapid political changes. Based on interview material, we will focus on the experiences of scholars in Ghana, Cameroon, Kenya and Zimbabwe. Research data shows that academic freedom and higher education support democratic development far into the future. That is why they deserve long-term support through development cooperation.
Electoral violence in Africa has garnered a lot of attention in research on African politics. Violence can be the result of manipulation of the electoral process or a reaction to that manipulation. While there is an agreement to distinguish it from the wider political violence by its timing with elections and motivation to influence their outcome, the analysis of its types, content, and impacts varies. There are different assessments of whether repetition of elections reduces violence or not. Elections in Africa are more often marred with violence than elections in other continents, but there is lots of variation between African countries, within countries, and even from one election to another. In addition to well-judged use and development of the existing datasets, qualitative methods and case studies are also needed. Much of the literature combines both approaches. In the analysis of the factors, causes, and contexts of electoral violence, researchers utilize distinct frameworks: emphasizing historical experiences of violence, patrimonial rule and the role of the “big man,” political economy of greed and grievance, as well as weak institutions and rule of law. All of them point to intensive competition for state power. Preelection violence often relates to the strategies of the government forces and their supporters using their powers to manipulate the process, while post-election riots typically follow in the form of spontaneous reactions among the ranks of the losing opposition. Elections are not a cause of the intensive power competition but a way to organize it. Thus, electoral violence is not an anomaly but rather a manifestation of the ongoing struggle for free and fair elections. It will be an issue for researchers and practitioners alike in the future as well
The relationship between academic freedom and democratic competence remains a critical research question in political science. Not only do the current studies not conclusively give us a clear clue about the nature of this relationship, but there is also an apparent ignorance of this critical question in Africa. In this chapter, we move a step closer to a more precise answer by analysing the trends of academic freedom and democratic consolidation in Africa with insights from three countries representing different experiences: Burundi, Ghana and Tunisia. Ghana is an example of stable democratic development with good academic freedom. However, threats to academic freedom still prevail. In Burundi, intimidation and discrimination among scholars and students are common, and the possibility of opposition to challenge the ruling party is also very restricted. In Tunisia, after 2011, the constitution guaranteed freedom of opinion, thought, expression, information and publication, but political developments in 2022 made it an example of democratic backsliding.
A significant element in the EU co-operation with Eastern Africa relates to the EU’s aspirations to support democracy worldwide. The Treaty of Nice of the EU (2001) explicitly stipulated that promoting human rights and freedoms should be part of all EU development and other co-operation with developing countries. This principle gained prominence and an explicit codification in the Cotonou Agreement between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific states (ACP) between 2000 and 2022. The year 2022, when a new agreement is to be signed, is a good time to look back at the application of these principles. Has the EU been able to support democracy in Eastern Africa? To this end, this chapter pays attention to both positive and negative democratisation instruments. The positive instruments like the election observation missions (EOM) appear to be the public image of EU democracy support before everything else. Economic sanctions, particularly smart sanctions and suspension of development aid, are the most important negative instruments. Together, these instruments have become an increasingly important part of the AU and EU’s attempts to prevent the erosion of democratic institutions in its Eastern African partner countries.
Public policy is a window into social sciences’ evolution and the multidisciplinary foundation of policy studies globally, particularly in African universities and research organisations. Training in policymaking was useful for the colonial rule, but specific degree programs became popular only after independence and, more recently, with acute needs in public service delivery. In research, the disciplinary scope of social sciences has widened from anthropology to political economy, development and political science. While the increasing local research competence diversified knowledge production, the underlying academic traditions were not monolithic either. Pluralism of the approaches and links to policymaking-built capacity for ambitious theoretical and critical research. Governments and international development cooperation agencies’ active role in public policy research’s institutionalisation has facilitated besides conditioning its content. The participatory approach has brought the voice of intended target communities to the social research work, enhancing policy planning and implementation. Although freedom of research remains a concern, the instrumental value of public policy education for the governments has remained central.
This paper analyses faculty experiences tackling global knowledge asymmetries by examining the decolonisation of higher education in Africa in the aftermath of the 2015 ‘Rhodes Must Fall’ student uprising. An overview of the literature reveals a rich debate on defining ‘decolonisation’, starting from a critique of Eurocentrism to propositions of alternate epistemologies. These debates are dominated by the Global North and South Africa and their experiences of curriculum reform. Our focus is on the experiences of political scientists in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. These countries share the same Anglophone political science traditions but represent different political trajectories that constitute a significant condition for the discipline. The 26 political scientists we interviewed acted toward increasing local content and perspectives in their teaching, as promoted in the official strategies of the universities. They noted that what was happening in lecture halls was most important. The academic decolonisation debate appeared overambitious or even as patronising to them in their own political context. National politics affected the thematic focus of the discipline both as far as research topics and students’ employment opportunities were concerned. Although university bureaucracies were slow to respond to proposed curricula changes, new programmes were approved if there was a market-based demand for them. International programs tended to be approved fastest. Political economy of higher education plays a role: dependency on foreign funding, limited national resources to conduct research and produce publications vis-à-vis international competition, and national quality assurance standards appeared to be most critical constraints for decolonising the curriculum.
Exiled populations, who increasingly refer to themselves as diaspora communities, hold a strong stake in the fate of their countries of origin. In a world becoming ever more interconnected, they engage in 'long-distance politics' towards, send financial remittances to and support social development in their homelands. Transnational diaspora networks have thus become global forces shaping the relationship between countries, regions and continents.
This important intervention, written by scholars working at the cutting edge of diaspora and conflict, challenges the conventional wisdom that diaspora are all too often warmongers, their time abroad causing them to become more militant in their engagement with local affairs. Rather, they can and should be a force for good in bringing peace to their home countries.
Featuring in-depth case studies from the Horn of Africa, including Somalia and Ethiopia, this volume presents an essential rethinking of a key issue in African politics and development.
Bringing together African and international scholars, this book gives an account of the present state of the discipline of political science in Africa - generating insights into its present and future trajectories, and assessing the freedom with which it is practiced.
Tackling subjects including the decolonization of the discipline, political scientists as public intellectuals, and the teaching of political science, this diverse range of perspectives paints a detailed picture of the impact and relevance of the political science discipline on the continent during the struggles for democratization, and the influence it continues to exert today.