Change search
Refine search result
1 - 25 of 25
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • harvard1
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 1.
    Abbink, Jan
    et al.
    African Studies Centre, Leiden University.
    Adetula, VictorThe Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.Mehler, AndreasArnold Bergstraesser Institute.Melber, HenningThe Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. The Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Africa Yearbook Volume 14: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 20172018Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 2.
    Abbink, Jon
    et al.
    African Studies Centre, Leiden University.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    Mehler, Andreas
    Arnold Bergstraesser Institute.
    Melber, Henning
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. The Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Sub-Saharan Africa2018In: Africa Yearbook Volume 14: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara in 2017 / [ed] Jon Abbink, Victor Adetula, Andreas Mehler and Henning Melber, Leiden: Brill , 2018, p. 3-19Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The chapter summarises major developments in sub-Sahara Africa focusing on the themes of elections, conflicts and the status and performance of sub-Sahara Africa in the world economy.  

  • 3.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria. .
    BOOK REVIEW: Foreign Policy and Leadership in Nigeria: Obasanjo and the Challenge of African Diplomacy2018In: South African Journal of International Affairs, ISSN 1022-0461, E-ISSN 1938-0275, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 442-444Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 4.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos.
    Environmental Degradation, Land Shortage and Identity Conflicts on the Jos Plateau in Nigeria2015In: Land in the Struggles for Citizenship in Africa / [ed] Sam Moyo - Dzodzi Tsikata - Yakham Diop, Dakar-Senegal: Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2015, p. 37-68Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 5.
    Adetula, Victor
    University of Jos.
    Ethnicity and the dynamics of city politics: The case of Jos2005In: Urban Africa: Changing contours of survival in the city / [ed] Abdoumaliq Simone and Abdelghani Abouhani (eds.), London ; Dakar: Zed Books ; CODESRIA , 2005, p. 206-234Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 6. Adetula, Victor
    Fiscal federalism and government performance in Nigeria2016In: Nigerian federalism: continuing quest for stability and nation-building / [ed] Okechukwu Ibeanu and Mohammad J. Kuna, Ibadan: Safari Books Ltd , 2016, p. 111-145Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    An underlying assumption of fiscal federalism is that it should create incentives for both the central and constituent governments to efficiently and effectively deliver services to their citizens. Recent discontents with Nigeria’s federal practice, especially since 1999 when the country returned to civil rule, are mostly associated with issues of fiscal federalism. Disputes and conflicts now occur more frequently between the federal and state governments that have to do with resource allocations and intergovernmental finance especially the intergovernmental fiscal transfers. The perceived vertical and horizontal inequalities engendered by the extant revenue sharing formula and the strident demands in several quarters for “true federalism” have become one of the critical sources of threat to Nigerian nationhood.  These trends point to contradictions in the conceptualization and implementation of the Nigerian federalism including its fiscal components. This chapter discusses the challenges of fiscal federalism in Nigeria within the context of the principle of decentralisation, which is understood generally as the devolution by a central government of political, administrative and fiscal powers to local-level government. It also assesses the effects of decentralisation on government performance and the implications for good governance especially since 1999 when the country returned to civil rule. In order to understand decentralisation it is essential for one to study how government is working at the sub-national levels. Fiscal federalism is treated in this chapter from a broad perspective, which is not limited by either the discipline of Economics especially its classical notion of “fiscal federalism” or the discourse in Political Science on “federalism and democracy”. The approach adopted here is the historical perspective; one that presents a holistic analysis of the challenges of Nigeria’s fiscal federalism in relation to their origins as well as current phases. Therefore, the task here is undertaken  guided by the wisdom in  Adiele Afigbo’s counsel  that “the best way to know anything is to know how it began, what factors dictated its origins and what factors dictate its development, as well as where it is heading.” Thus, while it is necessary to pay attention to contemporary trends and developments in the practice of federal system in Nigeria, and factor these into explanatory frameworks for understanding fiscal federalism in the country, it is important that the historical context be incorporated into the discourse. In this regard, historical realities and social conditions such as the colonial origins of the Nigerian federalism, and the overwhelming influence and domination of the federal polity by the military for a period of over three decades need to be recognized as important background or contextualizing variables. Structural and institutional problems in the Nigeria political economy such as over dependence on income from oil and its associated problems, the nature and character of the Nigerian state, and the orientation of the power elites that exhibit greed and lack of patriotism constitute essential part of the intervening variables. Also of importance is the emerging democratic environment in the country that is providing an enabling milieu for the expression of dissatisfaction with the status and role of the centre in the federation’s fiscal system.

  • 7.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Growing mistrust – a threat to democracy in Ghana: opportunities and challenges in the upcoming general elections2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In comparison with other African countries, faith in democracy is strong in Ghana. But the legal tussles that followed the last general election in 2012, and the disqualification of some candidates on trifling grounds in the lead-up to this year’s presidential elections, has spurred public mistrust. This policy note issues a warning about hate speech, violent demonstrations and macho-men militias.

  • 8.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Land Ownership, Politics of Belonging and Identity Conflicts in the Jos Metropolis2015In: Studies in politics and society: journal of the Nigerian Political Science Association, ISSN 2006-9243, Vol. 3, no 1, p. 67-80Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The conflicts in the Jos metropolis are not different from other identity conflicts over land in Africa. Studies have shown that dispute over environmental resources is not sufficient by itself to cause violence. When it does contribute to violence, it interacts with other political, economic, and social factors. This perspective draws attention to the social, economic and political contexts underlying environmental resource scarcity’s causal role in African conflicts. This is useful for situating the Jos sectarian conflicts within the context of the interplay of political, economic and social forces in the Jos metropolis. The conflicts connect more strongly to a long historical process on the Jos Plateau than some of the immediate problems widely reported in the media. At the centre of this historical process were British colonialism, the growth of the tin mining economy that brought the early Hausa and Fulani migrant labour to Jos, and the struggles over land. The British colonial administration through its policy of Indirect Rule, and the organization of ethnically segregated communities of ‘natives’ and ‘settlers’ created the settler-indigene divide. The Berom, Afizere and Anaguta who see themselves as the ‘first comers’ refer to themselves as ‘indigenes’ while they regard the Hausa and Fulani as ‘later comers’ and derogatorily labelled them as ‘settlers’. Both the indigenes and non-indigenes have always demonstrated strong emotional appeals to historical factors in their autochthonous claims. This paper examines the role of ethnicity, religion and other primordial sentiments in the Jos conflicts including the politics of belonging and how it relates to land ownership. This paper draws data from the author’s close observations of events in the Jos metropolis for a period of over two decades. Informal interviews, events analyses and qualitative data complement historical and contemporary documentary secondary sources on people, economy and politics of the city of Jos.

  • 9.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos.
    Markets, Revolts, and Regime Change: The Political Economy of the Arab Spring2011In: Nigerian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 37, no 2, p. 17-48Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article discusses the political economy of the Arab Spring. It draws attention to the economic and social factors underlying the recent uprisings in the Arab world. Essentially the article relates the internal dynamics in the Arab countries with their status and role in the global economy. It also notes especially the rising awareness in the Arab world on the role of the civil society in domestic politics, especially its capacity to demand political and economic change. The article is divided into five sections. The first section introduces the main issues, while the second section conceptually interprets the Arab Spring within the intellectual discourse on social revolution mainly but with a brief overview on regime change and democratic transition. The third section examines the relationship between oil, politics, and economy in the MENA region. The fourth section contains an analysis of the economic crisis and the various adjustment measures adopted by some governments on the eve of the uprisings. The fifth section examines the external dimensions of the Arab Spring including the international responses. The discussion of the lessons learned and policy recommendations concludes the article.

  • 10.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos.
    Measuring democracy and ‘good governance’ in Africa: a critique of assumptions and methods2011In: Governance in the 21st Century / [ed] Kwandiwe Kondlo, Chinenyengozi Ejiogu, Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2011, p. 10-25Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 11.
    Adetula, Victor
    University of Jos .
    Nigeria’s Response to Transnational Organise Crime and Jihadist Activities in West Africa2015Other (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Nigeria's status and role as a regional power continues to impact the entire West African sub-region. However the country is facing serious security challenges that are complicated by transnational threats which are associated with organised crime and the activities of jihadist movements. Threats to security linked to the activities of illegal migrants, smugglers, drug traffickers and human traffickers in West Africa have attracted considerable attention from scholars, policy makers and practitioners alike. As the activities of the Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad) also known as Boko Haram are spreading fast through the northern part of the country into a number of countries in West and Central Africa - notably Chad, Niger, and Cameroon - fears and anxiety have become more noticeable among stakeholders. Also, the challenge of piracy and maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea threatens Nigeria's national security as well as regional stability. This study presents the role of Nigeria as a regional hegemon, and also discusses its response to transnational organised criminality and jihadist activities in the sub-region, highlighting Nigeria's official response as well as other interventions undertaken through bilateral and multilateral platforms. The study concludes that there is no controversy about the desirability of the Nigerian government to curb transnational organised crime and jihadist activities in the country. However, the complexities of strategies and modalities for effective curbing of transnational threats still requires in-depth and concerted efforts than have been given by stakeholders. One may argue that the prospects for effective control of cross-border crime in West Africa are positive. Both at bilateral and multilateral levels, Nigeria has shown commitment to working with other countries within the West African sub-region to address the menace of transnational criminality including smuggling, human trafficking and cross-border banditry. On the otherhand, the oversubscription of Nigeria and some of its immediate neighbours to pseudo-nationalist policies hinder the implementation of broad-based regional strategies to address transnational threats. Thus the general apathy and lack of courage in official circles and among civil society organizations and other non-state actors in West Africa to organise across national frontiers and engage in security and development discourse, all have the tendency to limit the prospects of effective control of transnational criminality. The efforts of the Nigerian government at combating transnational organised crime and the spread of jihadist activities are yielding somegains. However, lack of political will, bad governance, and poorly equipped and motivated defence and security agencies coupled with other problems such as the porosity of the borders and non-involvement of the people have continued to inhibit progress.

  • 12.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    People's Democratic Party and 2015 General Elections: The Morbidity of a Giant2017In: The Nigerian General Elections of 2015 / [ed] John A.A. Ayoade, Adeoye A. Akinsanya, and Olatunde J.B Ojo, Ibadan, Nigeria: John Archers Publishers , 2017, p. 27-52Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was established in 1998 at the time when Nigeria was under pressure from the international community to undertake political reform in preparation for anticipated return to civil rule. The PDP formed the first government after the country re-introduced civil rule in May 1999 and remained the ruling party at the national level and also in government in the majority of states of the federation until May 2015 when it lost to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the presidential election, and unexpectedly recorded defeat in the other elections. The climax was on March 28, 2015 when Nigeria held its fifth presidential election and an incumbent president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was defeated by retired Major-General Mohammed Buhari who was contesting the presidential election for the fourth time. Apart from its remarkable victory in the previous four successive presidential elections, the PDP had a comfortable majority in the national legislature between 1999 and 2015. However, towards the end of President Obasanjo’s tenure, the party had started to experience disturbing cracks in its internal cohesion. It eventual defeat by the APC at both the presidential and state levels puts an abrupt end to the hegemony of the self-styled “largest political party in Africa” with a vision of “ruling Nigeria for sixty years”. This chapter presents analysis of the remote and immediate causes of the poor performance of the PDP in the 2015 elections. What are the remote and immediate causes of the defeat of the PDP in the 2015 elections? What was the nature of public support for the party and its presidential candidate?  Was the dwindling public support for the party linked to its diagnostic analysis of the challenges of governance and development in the country? What was the role of the Jonathan presidency in the political misfortune of the party? What was the capacity of the party to cope with some of the changes and innovations in the electoral process that may have contributed to the outcomes of the 2015 elections?  How has the PDP faired since the inauguration of the new APC-led government? Is the party adjusting well to playing the role of an opposition party? How well has the party faired in this regard, and what are the lessons learned? And finally, how does the electoral misfortune of the PDP helps us to understand the strength and weaknesses of the democratic institutions in Nigeria? As many are these questions that one consider useful for understanding the party system in modern Nigeria.

  • 13.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute.
    Principle and practice of supranationalism in ECOWAS and the implications for regional integration in West Africa2016In: Political Science Review, ISSN 1996-4124, Vol. 7, no 1, p. 17-34Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The concept of ‘supranationalism’ covers procedures and processes of decision-making in multi-national political communities that encourages the transfer of power to an authority broader than governments of member states. This paper acknowledges that the world is experiencing a re-awakening of supranationality, and that contemporary globalisation processes is contributing to this development that has not only checkmated the state and dissolves the absolutes of the Westphalian system, but has brought in other non-state actors including the civil society to be closely associated with the operations of international organizations. Globalisation processes have come with new challenges for governance and the management of global public goods (such as health, education, human security, etc.). The established of the African Economic Community (AEC) motivated other African regional organisations to introduce elements of supranationality in their operations. From various provisions in the Abuja Treaty, the understanding of supranationality as a situation where an international organization is endowed with powers to take decisions that are binding on it and all the member states is quite clear. The influence of this development is significant for regional integration in Africa. Using historical data and information on the performance of ECOWAS, this paper contextualizes the experience of ECOWAS in its practice of supranationalism. It highlights the opportunities, pressures and constraints for the effective and efficient operation of the supranational organization for ECOWAS These developments are important given that inter-governmentalism for long dominated the process of regional integration in Africa with each member states of regional organization retaining and exercising their full sovereign power in their separate decisions on the application and implementation of regional agreements. The paper concludes by arguing that ECOWAS, with the support of an efficiently run supranational body in the form of the ECOWAS Commission, can facilitate the process of regional integration in West Africa. This, of course, has several political ramifications demanding complex institutions and structures, and extensive political will, as well as unity of objectives and commitments at national and sub-regional.  It suffices to say here that the success of West African integration will depend first on the commitment of states in the ECOWAS region to redefine regional integration in a way that moves the process beyond state-centered approaches to include, among other things, the increased participation of civil society - the people and their representatives in associations, professional societies, farmers’ group, women’s groups and so on, as well as political parties - in regional integration processes.

  • 14.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Sweden's bid for a UN Security Council seat and what Africa stands to gain2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish government should involve the African diaspora in Sweden to secure the support of African countries in the UN. It also needs to clarify in what ways Sweden's feminist foreign policy is compatible with African values of respect and dignity for womanhood. These are a couple of recommendations provided in this policy note on how Sweden should act to improve relations with African countries and succeed in its ambitions to achieve the sustainable development goals of Agenda 2030.

  • 15.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    The future of EU-Africa cooperation beyond the Cotonou agreement2018Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    There is profound concern in large circles in Africa that the Cotonou Agreement obstructs African governments from supporting domestic production, and that the EU is splitting Africa in two by striking separate deals with different African regions. These perceptions are important considerations for those involved in the upcoming negotiations to replace the existing agreement.

  • 16.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos.
    Welfare Associations and the Dynamics of City Politics in Nigeria: Jos Metropolis as Case Study2002In: Under Siege: Four African Cities Freetown, Johannesburg, Kinshasa, Lagos: Documenta11_Platform 4 / [ed] Okwui Enwezor et al., Ostfildern-Ruit, Germany: Hatje Cantz Verlag, 2002, p. 259-379Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 17.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    West Africa2018In: Africa Yearbook Volume 14: Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara in 2017 / [ed] Edited by Jon Abbink, Victor Adetula, Andreas Mehler and Henning Melber, Leiden: Brill , 2018, p. 39-47Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The chapter is an overview of major events and key developments in the West African sub-region in 2017.  

  • 18.
    Adetula, Victor A. O.
    The Nordic Africa Institute.
    African conflicts, development and regional organisations in the post-Cold War international system: the annual Claude Ake memorial lecture : Uppsala, Sweden 30 January 20142015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A number of recent studies have expressed optimism about the constant decrease in armed conflicts around the world. The prognosis for Africa does not reflect the same optimism. Poverty reduction, transparent and accountable governance and citizen satisfaction with the delivery of public goods and service have shown no sign of significant improvement. In this lecture, Victor Adetula examines the performance of Africa’s regional organisations in ensuring peace and security on the continent. In doing this, he draws attention to the need for national and regional actors to pay attention to good governance and development as part of their efforts to operate effective collective security systems and conflict resolution mechanisms without ignoring the essence of the global context.

  • 19.
    Adetula, Victor A. O.
    et al.
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Bereketeab, Redie
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Jaiyebo, Olugbemi
    Regional economic communities and peacebuilding in Africa: the experiences of ECOWAS and IGAD2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    African states have responded to the challenges of the post-Cold War international system mostly by collectively promoting subregional and continental-wide initiatives in conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Admittedly, the existence of many violent conflicts in Africa, as well as their ‘domino’ effects at thesub-regional level, contributed significantly to the growing desire for collective security systems and conflict management mechanisms. The broadening of the role and functions of African regional organisations to include responsibility for peacebuilding and conflict management generally adds credence to the efficacy of regional integration. Many issues, however, present themselves in the engagement of RECs with the peacebuilding process in Africa. Although primarily set up to promote economic integration, Africa’s RECs have increasingly taken up a prominent role in conflict resolution and peace support operations, as evident in the recent peace processes in Burundi, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Cote d’Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Mali, Congo DRC, Sudan, and South Sudan, among others. In spite of the challenges they face, RECs are capable of playing important roles with regard to peace mediation, peacekeeping and peacebuilding.

  • 20.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria. .
    Kamski, BenediktMehler, AndreasMelber, Henning
    Africa Yearbook: Politics, Economy and Society of the South of the Sahara in 20182019Collection (editor) (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [en]

    The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa – all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on African-European relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.                    

  • 21.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Murithi, Tim
    Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, Cape Town, South Africa.
    Buchanan-Clarke, Stephen
    Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, Cape Town, South Africa.
    Peace negotiations and agreements in Africa: why they fail and how to improve them2018Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Peace is not just the absence of conflict. The self-interest lying behind external ‘support’ can take many shapes. The pursuit of justice can sometimes thwart peace efforts. And, last but not least, simply adding more women to peace negotiations will not break male-centric norms.

  • 22.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    Osegbue, Chike
    Chukwu Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University, Igbariam-Awka, Nigeria.
    Africa, United States and Terrorism: Revisiting Sulayman Nyang on US-Led GlobalWar against Terrorism2018In: African Intellectuals and State of the Continent: Essays in Honor of Professor Sulayman S. Nyang / [ed] Olayiwola Abegunrin and Sabella Abidde, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018, p. 196-218Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter attempts to address three key questions: First, how is Professor Sulayman Nyang’s scholarly contributions and policy prescriptions understood and responded to in broad intellectual discourse on Africa and international terrorism? Second, what is the status of the war against terrorism in the external relations of Africa states with special attention to relations with the United States and other Western Powers?  Third, what is the relevance of the global war on terrorism in international relations today?   The chapter notes Professor Sulayman Nyang’s contributions to the scholarship on  Islamic militancy, international terrorism and the US-led global war against terrorism including  his deep insights on changes in the international system and Africa. Africa is generally regarded in the West as the weakest link in the war against international terrorism; it is the political territory that can easily be penetrated by international terrorists. African states are poor, weak and corrupt. These failed states do not have effective government that is able to deliver public goods to its population or even exercise control over much of its territory. In this way these states are threat both to their citizens and the international community that comes under risk as a result of possible violent reactions by deprived and frustrated citizens that generate global problems including international terrorism. However, while many African governments have not earned the respect of the Western countries, the latter have maintained close economic relationship with them most arguably for economic and geo-political importance. These strong ties between Africa and Western countries have spill over to the security sector with the United States and other Western Powers providing assistance and support to help African governments develop and manage their anti-terrorist and counter insurgencies strategies.

  • 23. Benabdallah, Lina
    et al.
    Murillo-Zamora, Carlos
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria. .
    Global South Perspectives on International Relations Theory.2017In: International Relations Theory / [ed] Stephen McGlinchey, Rosie Walters , Christian Sc heinpthy, Bristol, England: E-International Relations Publishing , 2017, p. 125-130Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Global South is generally understood to refer to less economically developed countries. It is a broad term that comprises a variety of states with diverse levels of economic, cultural, and political influence in the international order. Although International Relations is an interdisciplinary field of study, it has historically been studied from a very Eurocentric perspective that does not always help us to understand developments occurring in  the  Global  South. Understanding Global South perspectives starts with a discussion of the Western-centric focus of mainstream IR theories. It also recognises the challenges facing scholars from the Global South that might help to explain why Global South perspectives are largely absent from mainstream debates. The ultimate goal is to broaden the field of view within IR theory to incorporate a more just and representative understanding of international relations.The main weakness of mainstream Western IR theories is that they are not universally experienced as mainstream. The concepts they are based on do not unequivocally reflect or match the reality in many Global South states. Furthermore, certain questions that are central to Global South perspectives are absent or under-theorised in mainstream scholarship. Tickner (2016, 1) for example points out that issues of race and empire have been missing from mainstream theories despite the existence of solid scholarship in postcolonial and poststructuralist studies. Curiously, she adds, colonial dominations profoundly shaped the state of the current global order, yet they are not even remotely central to mainstream IR. Today, there is a growing body of scholarship that pays attention to the context of international relations theories in Africa, Asia and Latin America and to the diverse interpretations within these vast regions. Much of this scholarship has been produced under the umbrella term of ‘global IR’.

  • 24.
    Beyene, Atakilte
    et al.
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Adetula, Victor
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Research Unit.
    Ethiopia in the United Nations Security Council 2017-20182017Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Enforce the ‘African solutions to African problems’ principle in the UN and promote cooperation with the African Union and its regional communities. That is what Ethiopia should work for during its two-year term in the Security Council. To perform on this global stage, the Ethiopian government has to address its domestic democracy and governance issues.

  • 25.
    Trovalla, Ulrika
    et al.
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Urban Dynamics.
    Trovalla, Eric
    The Nordic Africa Institute, Urban Dynamics.
    Adetula, Victor
    University of Jos.
    Movement as Mediation: Envisioning a Divided Nigerian City2014In: Nordic Journal of African Studies, ISSN 1235-4481, E-ISSN 1459-9465, Vol. 23, no 2, p. 66-82Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Since its establishment in the beginning of the twentieth century, the inhabitants of the ethnically and religiously diverse Nigerian city of Jos have inhabited very different places and travelled along opposite trails – patterns that in recent years, with an escalation of violence, have gained new dimensions. By bringing people’s movements into focus, this article highlights how movement comes in different ways to mediate between people and a city in flux. Brought to light is how movement in several different modalities – fast, slow, in total arrest; clothed in Christian or Muslim attires; by car, on foot, or on horseback; assertive or explorative, in triumph as well as in fear – by mediating between people and the city, brings forth a metaphysical landscape that otherwise is hard to get hold of. In this vein, movement as a medium has become a form of ‘social envisioning’ – a tool for understanding and foretelling the city.

1 - 25 of 25
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • harvard1
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf