On August 11 Sierra Leone will vote democratically for the second timesince the end of the decade long civil war that raged between 1991 and 2002. Many international observers believe that this election is an important testfor democracy in Sierra Leone. Many Sierra Leoneans call democracy Demare-Crazy and politics politrix.

Short documentary film about masquerade societies in Freetown Sierra Leone

Short documentary film about young excombatants in the streets of Freetown, Sierra Leone

This study aims to collapse the often gendered opposition of agency and victim-hood that typically characterizes the analysis of women's coping strategies in war zones. The term victimcy is proposed to describe the agency of self-staging as victim of war and explore how it is deployed as one tactic-amongst others-in one young Liberian woman's "social navigation" of war zones. Victimcy is thus revealed as a form of self-representation by which a certain form of tactic agency is effectively exercised under the trying, uncertain, and disempowering circumstances that confront actors in warscapes. However the story of Bintu also reveals the complexity of women's strategies, roles, and options as they confront conflicting challenges and opportunities in war zones. While in some circumstances women may take humanitarian aid, in others they may also take up arms. An ethnography of social tactics thus counters reductionist portrayals of women in war zones as merely the passive victims of conflict.

The West Side Boys were one of several military actors in the Sierra Leonean civil War (1991-2002). A splinter group of the army, the WSB emerged as a key player In 1999-2000. In most Western media accounts, the WSB appeared as nothing more than renegade, anarchistic bandits, devoid of any trace of long-term goals. By contrast, this article aims to explain how the WSB used well-devised military techniques in the field; how their history and military training within the Sierra Leone army shaped their notion of themselves and their view of what they were trying to accomplish; and, finally, how military commanders and politicians employed the WSB as a tactical instrument in a larger map of military and political strategies. It is in the politics of a military economy that this article is grounded.

This Policy Dialogue compares two very different conceptions of the informal economy that are prominent internationally: a market-based approach and a rights-based approach. It reflects upon the policy implications of adopting one perspective or the other, and argues that the terms ‘entrepreneur’ and ‘worker’ are often ideologically charged rather than a reflection of the structural positions of the ‘informals’. The paper is critical of a market-based perspective and of the related notion of informal entrepreneurs, as these may lead to policy recommendations that undermine the already fragile livelihoods of many people. The ideas presented in this paper are part of a work in progress and are intended to promote further debate about sustainable policy-making aimed at enhancing the economic and social standing of vulnerable people in the informal economy.

The challenge of urban deprivation and exclusion in the urban South has given rise to varied and shifting policies and ideas. Two sets of ideas have gained great currency in recent years in international policy and academic circles. The Legal Empowerment of the Poor approach, rooted in neoliberal thinking, focuses on the legal rights of the urban poor as the means to secure access to basic services and needs. The Right to the City perspective, on the other hand, stresses issues of citizenship and the appropriation and uses of urban space. This Policy Dialogue analyses the different ideological and normative foundations of the two perspectives and discusses how they lead to different policy formulations. It then takes a closer look at how the two perspectives find expression in contemporary discussions on and approaches to access to housing in urban Africa. To this end, it compares what each approach identifies as the source of the problem and recommends as the policy solution.

This Current African Issues discusses the displacement and resettlement of the Sudanese Nubians into the New Halfa agricultural scheme in Eastern Sudan, the current state of this multi-ethnic community and the challenges the farmers are facing. The Nubians of Wadi Halfa in Northern Sudan (also called the Halfawi Nubians) had to be relocated to New Halfa due to the construction of the Aswan High Dam in the early 1960s. In addition to the loss of ancestral land and the alienation they experienced, the Halfawi Nubians struggled to secure a sufficient livelihood in New Halfa and found their lives irreversibly altered. Although the resettlement of the Nubians did not succeed in rooting them in their new territory and a lot of the Halfawi Nubians have since abandoned the scheme, New Halfa has also created unforeseen opportunities for internally displaced people and migrant workers and become a growing regional centre for business and commerce. Despite the fact that New Halfa failed to meet its original targets, it is an example of a resettlement scheme that, in 50 years, developed and adjusted according to the needs of its current inhabitants.